“Tihanovskaya had six times more votes than Lukashenko”
Members of election commissions told the details about the election fraud.
On August 14, the Belarusian Central Election Commission summed up the results of the presidential election and announced that Alexander Lukashenko won it for the sixth time with the results 80.1%. Nevertheless, many Belarusians are sure that these results were falsified. Mass demonstrations are taking place all over the country, and most factories are going on a strike. Students and graduates of Minsk schools are bringing their certificates of honor to the gates of educational institutions. This is how they express their attitude to the teachers who participated in unfair elections. Members of election commissions themselves do not deny falsifications. «Medusa» has spoken to several members of Minsk’s election commissions on anonymous terms about how people voted in reality, and why these members, who honestly counted the votes, could not prevent Lukashenko’s victory.
“We were staying with the whole Commission and understood that they set us up. Someone was crying”.
Anton (name is changed at his request):
I am an active student. At my university, I am on good terms with the staff of the Dean’s office and the Rector’s office, people know me there. In May I was proposed to become a member of the election commission for the presidential election. I was in some doubt because of the pandemic, but I agreed later. I wanted to count [the votes] by myself and see how it all works.
I was on duty for three days during the early voting, mostly for the first shift (from 10 a.m. to 2 p.m.). During that time, I didn’t observe a huge flow of people, no more than 10–15 people came. I don’t know exactly how many people came during the second shift.
Basically, only one independent observer was present at my polling station. He was sitting by the station’s door, and was often chased away by an university’s employee. The employee said that the admissions committee for incoming students was currently being held and that no one was supposed to be there at that time, except for incoming students. Independent observers told me that there were even less voters on the second shift than on the first one. Our number of the voters per one day did not match those in the protocols. For example, one day we counted about 20 people, and in the protocol there were more than 70.
I don’t know how it was arranged. But my friend faced a situation when he came to another polling station to vote and saw the signature opposite the name of his father, who died two years ago. At the station, they told him it might be a mistake, someone signed the wrong name, but the fact is this.
On the main election day, twice as many people came as during the early voting period. It was clear who the majority was voting for: 70% came with white ribbons tied around their wrists. Some people complained that they were not allowed to write a date in the document where you sign to obtain the ballot-paper. Many insisted on their right and put the date in. People also checked the authenticity of the ballots — there should have been two signatures on the back of the ballot-paper, one of the Chairman or their Deputy, and one of the Commission member.
That day, I also went home to old people who were not able to come to the voting station. None of them rolled the ballot, they voted for the current president. In fact, there could be a lot of votes for him. We have a lot of elderly people, many of them have no idea who [Svetlana] Tikhanovskaya is. As for me, I voted for her and wanted her to win. I was sure that the current president would win the early voting and Tikhanovskaya in the main.
First, we counted the early voting ballot-papers. I could hear that Lukashenko led. Among the votes we got when visiting people’s homes, all but one were also for the current president. On the day of the main voting, the picture was the opposite; basically everyone was for Tikhanovskaya, sometimes the last name Lukashenko appeared. Many ballot-papers were spoiled (generally with votes for Tikhanovskaya). But this was not about falsification, many people put additional signs on the ballot-papers out of distrust — for example, they signed their names. Actually, this was forbidden. When we counted the votes, there was happiness on the faces of the commission members. Even without the final count, it was clear that more than 60% votes were for Tikhanovskaya.
Then the chairman and the secretary began to sum up. First I stood by to see the count, but I was asked ‘not to stand over; and I moved away. I really trusted the person who counted the votes. But I still had some doubts. They counted for a long time, about 30–40 minutes. As a result, we were told that the current president had more than 50% of the votes, while Tikhanovskaya had around 20%. The commission members exchanged glances like, ‘what has just happened?’ It was obvious that Tikhanovskaya was leading.
Before signing the Protocol, many people hesitated, but they signed it anyway. I was the last one to sign. When it was my turn, I was sitting for a long time and making my mind up. I didn’t even pick up a pen. I didn’t want to sign it, but I couldn’t imagine the consequences that could follow my refusal. I was afraid and finally signed it.
We were staying at the polling station for a long time. When the chairman and the secretary left to take the ballots away, the Internet was back on. We saw that there were polling stations, where Tikhanovskaya won. Everyone in the commission understood that we were set up. Someone was crying. We signed the protocol without compulsion, of our own free will, though everyone was afraid of some consequences [for refusing to sign]. Because how does everything work in our country? Well, it is clear from the election campaign. If someone said the wrong word, did not want to do what they were told, what do they do to this person? They immediately put this person behind the bars. Of course, people have fear, it is more about self-suggestion. We know the reaction to the freedom of speech in our country. People are really afraid to speak out. Things were the same until the last events.
After [the elections], I felt extremely bad. I had probably never felt so rotten because I was put in a tough spot. I went there to work, I wanted to stand up for honesty and to see what was going on in the country. I felt so low. I was ashamed of myself, not of anyone else. Even talking to you now, I feel like I am trying to wash this guilt away. Also, together with several people I sent half of the money that I was paid for working in the commission to the children’s fund [founded by the arrested candidate Viktor Babariko]. We sent the other half to help those who suffered during the protests.
I went out [to protests] more than once when the protests were calm. I feel highly inspired about the demonstrations initiated by people. But I feel sorry for people who faced the reaction of the government. The fact that women now come out into the streets in white, carrying white flowers, it’s a real pride for me. I have never loved my country as much as I do now. In general, I love the country and I hate the government. I can’t even imagine what happens in the end. I don’t believe in the prudence of our government. I think the army and the government entity make the core of the country. If they took the side of the people, then perhaps we could win.
“We were scared, very scared”.
Margarita (name changed at her request):
In fact, initially I did not want to be a member of the election commission. The lists of the members were formed in late spring. I just got a call [from the school] and heard: ‘ You’re signed up’. I didn’t resist very much and said I would go. I was interested to see what it all was like.
Each of us was on duty for two days for four hours during early voting and throughout the main voting day. My turn was in the last days of early voting, on the 7th and 8th of August. There were not many people these days, no more than four people came in an hour or two. They were mostly people of pre-retirement and retirement age. Then I contacted the guys who worked after me to get the total number and compare it with the numbers in protocols. It turned out that the number of people was inflated every day, on the 7th of August by 30 people, on the 8th — by 50. Since I worked in the morning, I couldn’t understand how it worked. Where did they take these numbers that appeared in the protocol later? Even if you take into account the fact that no more than 10 people visited the voting station in four hours, it is unlikely that 70–100 people could have voted during the day.
On the main day a lot of people came with white ribbons tied around their wrists. But we expected that there would be even more voters. Some, and there were quite a lot, ignored the election. Also, there came people who were on the lists, but they did not have Belarusian citizenship, just a residence permit. That means they were not allowed to vote, and still they were on the lists. It was unclear how their names got there.
I voted for Tikhanovskaya, of course. And before the votes were counted, I was sure that the victory would be on her side. First, we counted the early voting ballot-papers; Lukashenko won. In my stack, he won by a margin of 40 votes from Tikhanovskaya, if not more. I was very upset. Although one could believe that, because those people who voted for Tikhanovskaya came on the 9th of August. There is another point: we could not not see the ballot-boxes from the early voting all the time. Therefore, falsification was possible. Of course, the boxes were sealed at the end of the shift. But in any case, I don’t know what could happen to them.
In my stack of ballots from the main election day, Tihanovskaya had six times more votes than Lukashenko. I talked a little bit to people who were counting other stacks. It was clear that Tikhanovskaya had more votes than Lukashenko. I couldn’t say how many more, because he won on the early voting, but according to our counting, she was the absolute leader.
We submitted our results to the chairman of the election commission. When she was counting, there was no one near her. In the end, it was announced that Tikhanovskaya lost the elections. Many of us burst into tears, so did I. The whole election commission kept silent. Many of us expected this result to be announced, but it was still a shock for us.
The teachers who were with me at the election commission signed the protocol pretty quickly. When the turn came to the students, everyone was sitting in front of the protocol for several minutes. We just couldn’t sign the paper. One guy asked if he could not sign it. They told him: ‘No, you must put your signature, and there is nothing to discuss’. Then he signed it with tears in his eyes.
The Chairman was the Dean of our faculty. Our conversation didn’t last long. He explained that if we don’t sign the protocol, it wouldn’t matter. In other words, the absence of our signatures would not make the Protocol invalid. They would simply remove us from the members of the election commission, and send the same Protocol with the same numbers to the Election Commission Centre. Also, he threatened our future at the University. Yes, we were scared, extremely scared. My parents pay a lot of money for my study at the University. I was very afraid.
We had a deep guilt feeling later. We felt guilty because we took part in this. But we did not hide this information and told all our friends what we saw. I still feel terrible. After the elections, I just couldn’t sleep for three nights without sedatives. It is too tough to experience all this when you see what is going on in your city, in all cities, across the country. And you didn’t want this man [Lukashenko] to stay. But your signature is on the paper. I had gone over and over what happened in my mind, thinking, «Couldn’t you have been braver?»
Whatever happened, happened. In any case, I think the most important thing is that today the situation is discussed all over the world. There are a lot of people who were forced to put their signatures or participate in these elections. Many of them faced more severe conditions than we did. Many were threatened with expulsions or terminations. They were really forced to lie. There are few people who falsified on their own accord; in my opinion, there are really not many of them. Everyone had something at stake when they were signing the protocol. And we have been living with this fear for 26 years.
I have a lot of friends who participated in the protests. I participated, too, but only in peaceful ones. I didn’t take part in those protests that ended in fights and the other worst things. I’m a girl, I’m just a little girl. If I go there, I am one hundred percent sure I won’t get back. I believe that people, honesty and what is going on now in our country are much stronger than a person whose power is no longer legitimate. I really believe in our people. You can see by yourself what is going on here now. These are great things. It is great that Belarus and the Belarusian nation are supported now by so many countries. I believe in our people and in our nation.
“I don’t care if I get expelled. But I won’t be a criminal”.
Konstantin (name changed at his request):
I am the commander of a volunteer squad in the dormitory, [to be a member of the election Commission] I was requested by the head of educational work. I agreed, of course, because this was a great experience. They also promised to pay some money. Before that, I only carried out law enforcement at events like this but I never worked with the electoral code. Later on, I found my name in the list [of the executive committee] and found out that I was promoted by the Social Athletic Party, although I had never been a member of any party.
On the 3rd of August, before early voting started, we had a meeting of the commission. Then we were told that we must sign the protocol. I didn’t know the electoral code very well at that time and I didn’t understand what the protocol was. But one woman from the commission said that it should be signed on the last day, after the final vote count. The chairwoman began to defend herself in an aggressive way, she said it was necessary so that there would be no hassle and so on. As a result, no one signed the protocol. But the woman who opposed signing was removed from the commission during the early voting. Later I called her, and she told me that someone informed her she was a first-level coronavirus contact, so they prohibited her to come.
On the 8th of August I had an evening shift. When I arrived, the chairwoman called me to her office. There was a woman from the district administration. The chairwoman said: “Let’s sign the protocol now, let’s make sure everything is fine”, — and she gently pushed it to me. I read it carefully and realized that this was the protocol of the final results of the vote. I was a little bit shocked and started asking about what it was. I was told: ‘You just have to sign it’. They called one person at a time; there were at least three signatures on the protocol when I saw it. But I still refused. The chairwoman said to me when I was leaving: “You probably don’t trust me”.
After the polling station closed, the chairwoman, her secretary, the woman from the district administration, me, and another member of the election commission sat down to count the number of early voting participants. At the same time, there were observers; all of them worked in our dormitory and obtained accreditation for the elections from [Republican public Association] ‘Belaya Rus’ Association. The chairwoman counted the votes herself, without consulting the list of voters. It turned out that allegedly 222 people voted at the polling station. Every day we counted the actual number of people who came. For example, on the last day of early voting, we counted about 35 people, and in the protocol, they put the number 70. In other words, the number was doubled. I decided not to rebel at that moment, because I wanted to stay for the main voting day on the 9th of August, so I signed the protocol.
There were violations on the main voting day. We had 5–6 ‘dependent’ observers sitting at the station at the same time. Actually, this was prohibited by the Central Electoral Commision. Once, they decided to leave for lunch, and they called a volunteer who was on watch and asked him to observe. So he was sitting there, even though he was not an accredited observer. Also, at the polling station there were about 50 people who voted though they were not registered as living in this district. They only had a leasing agreement or temporary registration. Actually, this was not prohibited but the chairman and the secretary never checked if these people had already voted at the stations in the districts where they were registered before giving them the ballots. They started checking later, though I have no idea if they called other stations or not. As for me, I couldn’t vote because I was registered in another city. I had a leasing agreement for a dormitory room, and the dormitory was on the list at our polling station. The electoral code says that in this case I have a right to vote here, but our chairman told me and other students who were in the same boat that this document was not valid in this case.
On the 9th of August more than half of the voters came with white ribbons tied around their wrist; many of them were wearing red and white clothing. 80% of them concertinaed their ballot-papers up; this was what the ‘Honest people’ community suggested to do in order to clearly show that you were not voting for Lukashenko. If you can imagine, our ballot box was full of such folded ballots. Some voters demonstratively took their ballot-paper and put a checkmark for Tikhanovskaya. They didn’t fold the ballot but put it in the box so that the Commission could see it.
For me it was clear that since they inflated the number of voters during the early voting, they would have to deal with the real numbers now. At the same time, I was very encouraged by the people who came to the voting station. There was a moment when a child asked the father for whom he voted. ‘I voted for your future’, — he answered. Another woman (she was pregnant and came to the polling station with her husband and a little daughter) turned to the commission and said: ‘For the sake of our children, I hope you count fairly’. She had tears in her eyes. All this raised my morale enormously. I realized that I didn’t care if they expel me. I wasn’t going to become a criminal, I wasn’t going to disgrace my honour. And I was going to protect the rights of honest people like myself.
Before counting the votes the Chairwoman told us: ‘Don’t worry, everything is going to be fine. Just do what I say’. Then she, the secretary and the woman from the district administration started to manipulate with the papers on a separate table. In the end, they brought us a stack: ‘Here we have 187 unused ballots’. I immediately said that according to the Electoral code of the Republic of Belarus, we were obliged to do everything openly. I personally could not know how many ballot-papers there were, and observers were not able to see the counting process. The Chairwoman told me with resentment that it would take much time and we would stay at the polling station until 4 a.m. She also asked me to trust her and other members of the Commission, but then she counted the unused ballot-papers for everyone to see.
After that the worst violation happened. They [the Chairwoman and the Secretary] took the list of voters and started sealing them. They were doing this even though we did not count how many people participated in voting, and did not compare this number with the one on the list. I started to say that during early voting they could throw in the box fake ballot-papers and now we would not be able to detect a mistake or a fraud. But I got a response: ‘We were counting all the time during the voting process’. While I was writing an exception report [a supplement to the Protocol on the election results], they brought the ballot box and started opening it. I stated I did not agree with what was going on and we still did not know the number of voters who came to the station. All the other observers and members of the Commission kept silent. They were afraid.
The chairwoman asked me not to interfere with the proces. When I finished writing the exception report and gave it to her, she thanked me and said: ‘We expel you [from the Commission] by common consent’. Everyone was silent. She addressed the others: ‘Do you also agree?’ Absolutely everyone was silent. Then two members stood up for me. The chairwoman passed my exception report to the secretary for registration. And then the most interesting things took place; I even have a recording (Konstantin shared the recording with ‘Medusa’). The woman from the administration said: ‘I don’t want him to stay here’. The chairwoman suggested voting. Five people, including the chairwoman, raised their hands for my expelling. The other five people were against it. As a result, the chairwoman had the last word, and I was expelled. My exception report was never registered. The report said I was not present when they counted the votes.
Then I spoke to those who counted the votes later. For Tikhanovskaya there were five times more votes than for Lukashenko. At the same time, most of the early voting ballots were for Lukashenko. The protocol said that there were over 500 votes for Lukashenko, and over 100 votes for Tikhanovskaya. These numbers were taken out of thin air. And after that everyone was forced to sign the protocol.
Two days later, the chairwoman called me and said that there would be no sanctions against me at the University. Then she bursted into tears. She is actually a woman of merit, I don’t know what had happened to her and what she was told to do.
Now I am taking part in the peaceful protests. I don’t even know how it will end. I reckon that all factories should go out on strike. There is a factory in my hometown, but it is not striking because people are afraid of losing their jobs. They also do not believe that someone can support them. So they are ready to live like slaves for life. I think people should understand that the elections were really rigged, the law was violated, and our votes were stolen. My whole family, relatives and friends, except for one person, all voted for Tikhanovskaya. Lukashenko had no chances for 80%. This is obviously a falsified counting, there must be a trial.
“Everyone signed. And then some strange tricks began”.
Egor (name changed at his request):
I got into the election commission quite by chance. The deputy director of the company where I worked called for me. He said that he needed someone to be a member of the election commission: ‘I ask you for help, and you should not refuse’. Time passed, and I found myself on the list at a website of the executive committee. I found out that I was promoted by a party. No one ever told me about it. We all are calm people, no one wants to conflict. So I digested this and decided to move on.
During the early voting, I was on duty on the last day only, I worked the second shift. 23 people came to vote. But there was a real confusion [with early voting turnout]. The number that was in the report… Well, one could argue what this number was about. I noticed that the total number [of people who came] was less than the number of issued ballots. It was not the same as the number of votes either. It’s easy to blame me for misunderstanding. But I saw three different numbers and I wasn’t able to understand how this could happen.
On the main voting day, a huge flow of people started to come in the morning. Even seriously ill people and seniors were coming; I have no idea who they voted for, but it was important to them that their vote was taken into account. Many people were determined that they would be cheated and they were very worried. Some of them asked: ‘Give me the ballot-paper first, and then I’ll sign it’. Though in general, everything was quiet. They voted as they were suggested to do on the Internet [on the Honest People platform]. They rolled their ballots in a tube, and there were lots of rolled ballots there. As for me, I voted during the early voting at my polling station. I voted for Tikhanovskaya.
When it came to the votes counting, we followed the electoral code. For the early voting, we had over 300 votes for Lukashenko, and about 70 votes for Tikhanovskaya. For the main voting day, the great majority was for Tikhanovskaya; she had over 1000 votes in comparison to 150 votes for Lukashenko. I counted just for myself, and it turned out that Tikhanovskaya had over 60% of votes. The protocol was drawn up correctly. Everyone signed it. And then some strange tricks started.
We were sitting and waiting to post the protocol on the door [of the polling station]. It’s the chairman of the commission who should post the protocol. However, he left us and was absent for a long time. Later, the chairman returned and took all the packed bundles [with ballot-papers]. People started to ask him emotionally to post the protocol. ‘Yes, yes, yes’, — he answered. Then we left the room where the voting took place, and came to the lobby. The riot police were waiting for us there. They said: ‘Get on the bus immediately’. I dare say you wouldn’t argue in this situation. We quickly went to the exit, got on the bus and they drove us away. There was no place for heroic deeds there. When you are sitting in the bus with the window curtains shut, and they are driving you in the middle of nowhere, and the riot policemen are all around you, you should be ready for everything. Maybe they bring you somewhere and put pressure on you. But in the end, there was no pressure. They brought us to the district executive committee. The chairman and the secretary went inside, we got into our car, and they drove everyone home. As a result, the protocol was not posted, though the people were staying nearby the school and waiting for the protocol. The results were not announced. Later, in the Central Electoral Commission they said the results were posted everywhere. However, I heard that they didn’t post protocols at other voting stations, too.
I don’t participate in protests, it’s my choice. I still go to work. I signed a letter from industry employees and a complaint that the protocol was not posted at our voting station. My wife is taking part [in protests]. You see, they’re saying now: ‘Let’s talk’, ‘Let’s not fight’ — but in fact they stole people’s voices, stole their right to choose… How about this? People’s choice has been turned into a child’s play. However, they carefully avoid discussing it. No one wants the war, no one wants a mess. And the Central Electoral Commission says there were no violations, they rejected all the complaints and insisted everything was correct. They say: ‘Let’s leave it behind the scenes, why do you really care?’
People came to the voting stations to vote; there has never been such a high turnout in the elections before. After he [Alexander Lukashenko] had become the president, I never voted again, because I thought it was useless. And now people believed voting could make sense. I’m afraid of making any forecasts about how this will end. I can’t tell, but I don’t think it just goes away. And the worst thing in my opinion, is that if everything remains as is, young people will simply leave the country. The borders are open and there is no ‘iron curtain’ anymore.
